Concepts in Nursing Research Methods

Concepts in Nursing Research Methods Critique criteria The criteria used for this critique were derived from relevant nursing literature (Feninstein Horwitz, 1997; Cormack, 2000; Khan et al, 2003). About a dozen criteria were specified: design, sample, inclusion/exclusion criteria, time frame of study, data collection, reliability validity, and data analysis. Study Design Catlette (2005) used a qualitative design. While this approach has its merits, principally a greater degree of realism and richer data, it has a number of significant drawbacks (Coolican, 1994). Observations are typically unreliable. In other words, if the same nurses were interviewed on several different occasions, about workplace violence, using the same open-ended interview protocol, their responses may vary somewhat. Various biases creep in, often caused by situational factors (e.g. open-ended questions, a very violent week followed by a particularly calm week), or personal considerations (e.g. memory deficits). Furthermore there is low internal validity. This means that it is difficult to establish with any certainty the relationship between variables, due to the lack of statistical analysis (which can estimate the probability that results occurred by chance). For example, Catlettes interview data suggests a link between workplace violence and feelings of vulnerability amongst n urses. However, the extent to which the former variable causes the latter cannot be reliably established in a qualitative study. Winstanley and Whittington (2004) enjoy the precision of a quantitative design. While internal validity is high, the level of realism is questionable. Participants were ‘forced’ to respond to predetermined questions (e.g. on physical assault) using a fixed response format (e.g. ‘Once’, ‘More than once’). Thus, the data obtained was heavily influenced by the kind of questions asked and the particular response format used. In the real world, health care staff may perceive the level of aggression in terms that don’t match the questionnaire format. For example, a nurse may perceive physical assaults as ‘sporadic’ or ‘once in a blue moon’. Since these categorisations weren’t available in the questionnaire, the study effectively lacks a certain degree of realism. In a qualitative desi gn, subjects describe the world as they see it, rather than via terms imposed by the researcher. Sample Ideally a sample should be randomly selected so that it is representative of the population from which it was drawn, in this case nurses or health care professionals. This allows findings from a single study to be generalised to the wider community. Catlette (2005) used a convenience sample, meaning it wasn’t representative of nurses in general. Granted there are considerable practical and logistic difficulties in trying to recruit a random sample of nurses. Their busy schedules and irregular shifts, for example, hamper proper scientific selection. It is also quite common for small convenience samples to be used in qualitative studies, since it is often impractical to conduct in-depth interviews with large groups. Nevertheless, Catlette’s findings, while relevant to the particular trauma centres involved, are unlikely to apply to nurses in general. This is a serious limitation, since Catlettes stated objectives suggest a general interest in the level of violence in hosp ital emergency departments, rather than the particular trauma units from which subjects were drawn. Winstanley and Whittington (2004) also appear to have a used a convenience sample: they simply invited health care staff working in a general hospital, and who had regular contact with patients, to participate. Although the target sample was quite large (a bigger sample improves representation), only a minority of staff actually completed and returned questionnaires. All in all, participants weren’t recruited randomly, therefore the findings cannot be generalised to the wider population of health care staff. Inclusion/Exclusion Criteria Both studies seemed to have clear inclusion/exclusion criteria. Catlette (2005) only recruited and interviewed nurses who were registered, worked in a level 1 trauma centre, and had experienced workplace violence. A clear definition of what constituted violence was developed, helping to minimise any ambiguities about eligibility. Winstanley and Whittington (2004) also specify inclusion criteria. Only health care staff that had regular and substantial contact with patients were invited to participate. What constituted ‘regular’ and ‘substantial’ contact was well defined (e.g. daily contact with patients). The advantage of having clear inclusion/exclusion criteria is that it helps the researcher recruit a homogenous sample. If the participants in a study are too diverse, this effectively introduces additional sources of error that may obscure interesting themes, or relationships between variables. Findings may be more difficult to interpret. However, a major d isadvantage of a homogenous sample is that it is invariably ‘ad-hoc’, that is special or unique, and hence unlikely to reflect the wider community. Nevertheless, it can be argued that sample homogeneity isn’t problematic if the wider community of interest exactly matches the inclusion/exclusion criteria. For example, Winstanley and Whittington’s (2004) study was about patient aggression towards health care staff. Thus, the population of interest was invariably going to be staff that had regular contact with patients. In this respect the sample selected corresponds with the population of interest. However, randomly selecting nurses from the designate population would have provided a representative sample that permits useful generalisations. Simply using volunteers, as Winstanley and Whittington did is unscientific. Time frame of study Winstanley and Whittington’s (2004) study was effectively a retrospective (i.e. cross-sectional) survey. This means that data was collected at one point in time, specifically an 8-week period. Retrospective designs are considered inferior to prospective (i.e. longitudinal) designs in which data is collected on two or more occasions, over several weeks, months, or even years (Coolican, 2004). This method allows tentative causal inferences to be made – if a variable measured at Time 1 predicts or correlates with a factor measured at Time 2, then there is a possibility that former variable affected the latter, but not vice versa. Retrospective designs don’t allow for such inferences. Any correlations between variables are just that – correlations! There is no sequence that may help delineate possible causality. For example, in their introduction and statements of study aims, Winstanley and Whittington imply that particular professions (e.g. nurses, doctors) a nd hospital departments (e.g. medical, A E) may elicit different levels of physical aggression experienced by staff. Thus, profession/department seemed to be conceptualised as causal factors. However, although data analysis revealed relationships between these factors and physical aggression, there is no provision in the retrospective design to infer causality, since all the variables are measured simultaneously. A prospective method in which profession/department predicts experiences of physical assault several weeks subsequently would be more conclusive. Catlette (2005) doesn’t explicitly state the time frame for her study, albeit interviews typically take several days, weeks, or perhaps months to complete. Notions of prospective and retrospective designs are typically associated with quantitative studies, and rarely applied to qualitative research. This is because qualitative studies are often exploratory, merely seeking to identify interesting phenomena rather than estab lish causal relationships between variables. Nevertheless, interviewing participants on two or more separate occasions can be used to demonstrate the robustness and reliability of any themes observed. For example, if the same themes emerge during interviews conducted at two different points in time, this would suggest that the themes are significant rather than fleeting. Data Collection Catlette (2005) appears to have used semi-structured interviews for data collection (Coolican, 1994). By asking every interviewee pre-set but open-ended questions in a particular sequence, she avoided the inconsistency and sloppiness often associated with wholly unstructured (i.e. casual) interviews. It is possible the interviews were informal but guided, meaning that pre-set questions were asked, albeit in no particular order. Either way, a guided or semi-structured interview suffers from certain constraints. Asking specific questions, albeit open-minded ones, restricts the interviewers flexibility to ask follow-up questions depending on the interviewees response. Interviews are also heavily affected by interpersonal factors, such as lack of rapport, physical attraction, and psychological manipulation. Winstanley and Whittington (2004) collected data via a questionnaire. This method has a number of limitations. One is the typically low response rate. Of 1141 questionnaires posted ou t to participants, only 375 (33%) were returned, denoting a considerable waste of resources. Often the questionnaires returned represent an unusually keen sub-sample that may differ in key respects from the original target group. This means that the researcher has to devote time and resources establishing what these differences are, and how they might affect the results. Furthermore, because the final sample is smaller, statistical power is reduced, increasing the possibility of a type II error. Another limitation of questionnaires is the use of restricted (or ‘forced choice’) response format. For example, subjects in Winstanley and Whittingtons’ (2004) study were forced to choose from three options – ‘none’, ‘one’ or ‘more than one’. Thus, there is no room for participants to qualify their answers, for example by pointing out memory lapses (e.g. ‘I can’t remember’), or indicating ambiguous experie nces (e.g. ‘not sure’). All in all, these restrictions reduce the realism and richness of data collected. Interviewing subjects on the same issues, but using open-ended questions, will probably yield slight different outcomes to those reported by Winstanley and Whittington (2004). Another limitation is that the bulk of questionnaire communication is written. There is no provision to measure visual cues and gestures, which typically account for much of human communication, or even auditory cues. For example, a frown or grunt, may signify a particularly traumatising experiencing, which simply can’t be detected from questionnaire responses. Finally, questionnaires are often completed in the absence of the researcher (e.g. postal questionnaire), making it difficult to supervise the proceedings, or verify whether the subject is the same person who completed the questionnaire. Overall, these constraints negate the conclusiveness of Winstanley and Whittington’s ( 2004) findings. Data Analysis In line with standard procedure in qualitative research Catlette (2005) performed thematic analysis to identify recurring patterns in the data. Meaningful information was extracted from the interview transcripts, after which themes were identified using a coding system. Although a highly useful procedure, Braun and Clarke (2006) note that thematic analysis has certain disadvantages. One is the possible overlap between themes. Catlette identifies two themes – vulnerability and inadequate safety measures. Categories, and subcategories reported suggest considerable overlap between these dimensions (e.g. the sentiment ‘feeling unsafe’ may depict both feelings of vulnerability and an unsafe environment). Another weakness is the high correspondence between the data collection questions (i.e. interview guide) and themes identified. In other words, the themes reported merely reflect the questions asked during the interview (e.g. questions on safety, such as â€Å"How do you feel about the safety of your workplace?† are bound to produce safety-related responses, and hence themes). This suggests very limited analytic work was done to identify themes independent of the interview format. Another shortcoming of thematic analysis is failure to incorporate alternative or contradictive data in the results reported. Catlette offers little if any account of oddities in the data that don’t necessarily fit the two emerging themes. For example, the interviews revealed that violence wasn’t a concern during interactions with co-workers. Clearly this revelation is incompatible with the notion of vulnerability and lack of safety in the workplace. Yet, little is made of this inconsistency, making Catlettes’ rather ‘tidy’ themes appear rather suspicious. Few data sets in qualitative research are completely harmonious with no contradictions, so a study that fails to report these oddities is highly questionable. Winstanley and Wh ittington (2004) employed an inferential statistical test to analysis their data, consistent with the quantitative design of their study. Chi-square was used to test for significant trends in the frequency of physical assaults as a function of different health care professionals (e.g. nurses and doctors) and hospital departments (e.g. medical, surgical, A E). Chi-square was appropriate given that the data was categorical (i.e. in the form of frequencies). However, as a non-parametric test, chi-square lacks sensitivity. This combined with the limitations of frequency data (e.g. it fails to account for subtle degrees of variation between individual subjects or groups; for example, asking nurses if they’ve experienced aggression ‘once’ or ‘more than once’ fails to take into account any differences in the intensity and duration of these aggressive episodes), increases the risk of wrongly accepting the null-hypothesis. Reliability Validity A major methodological concern in scientific research is reliability and validity. Reliability refers to the consistency of observations, while validity depicts the authenticity of observations. Both issues are particularly pertinent in qualitative studies, due to the lack of structure, precision, and quantification. Catlette (2005) appears to have taken steps to enhance reliability/validity. She kept a journal throughout the duration of the study, in order to identify any biases that may corrupt the data. Interviews were conducted using a standard protocol, then the data was transcribed verbatim, and analysed using regular procedures. However, these measures may be inadequate. Coolican (1994) identifies several procedures for ensuring good reliability, none of which appears to have been used by Catlette: triangulation, analysis of negative cases, repetition of research cycle, and participant consultation. Triangulation involves verifying emerging themes using another data collection method other than open-ended interviews. For example a questionnaire measure of perceived workplace violence and safety strategies could have been administered or close-ended interviews conducted. Data from these alternative methods could then be compared with the original observations to gauge the degree of consistency in emerging themes. Analysis of negative cases involves scrutinising cases that don’t fit the emerging themes. Repetition of research cycle entails repeatedly reviewing assumptions and inferences, to further verify emerging themes. Finally participant consultation involves communicating with participants to see if observations from the study match their own experiences. None of these measures seem to have been applied in Catlette’s study, raising serious concerns about the stability and authenticity of her observations. Winstanley and Whittington’s’ (2004) study doesn’t appear to have fared much better. Although the numerical preci sion inherent in quantitative designs offers some degree of reliability and validity, this is by no means guaranteed, and has to be demonstrated empirically. They fail to report any Cronbach Alpha reliability coefficients for the questionnaire used. Thus, it is unclear if the items in this instrument were internally consistent. Test-retest reliability wasn’t reported either, again raising questions about the consistency of participants responses over time. A badly designed questionnaire (e.g. one with ambiguous statements, or grammatical errors) could easily confuse participants, leading to irregularities in their responses over time. No information on validity is provided either. Normally, validity could be demonstrated by correlating data from the questionnaire with data from another measure of experiences of aggression (a high correlation would indicate good validity), submitting the questionnaire to a team of judges to ascertain if the content addresses all forms of human aggression (e.g. indirect forms of aggression, such as spreading rumours or social exclusion don’t appear to have been assessed), and even performing factor analysis to establish construct validity (i.e. verify the dimensions of aggression assumed to be measured by items in the questionnaire). These inadequacies render the findings from Winstanley and Whittington’s (2004) study inconclusive. For example, the claim that aggression is â€Å"widespread† is questionable because not all forms of aggression were measured. Overall, both studies are fairly categorical in their conclusions. Winstanley and Whittington (2004) surmise that their data demonstrates the significant levels of aggression to which hospital staff are exposed. Catlette (2005) reaches a similar conclusion, emphasising the vulnerability and lack of safety perceived by nurses. However, both studies suffer from various analytic and methodological constraints. Perhaps the most serious of these is the apparent absence of reliability and validity measures that may reveal any volatility or misrepresentations in the data. These limitations mean that any conclusions have to be regarded as tentative, subject to further research. Bibliography Braun, V. Clarke, V. (2006) Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative  Research in Psychology, 3, pp.77-101. Catlette, M. (2005) A descriptive study of the perceptions of workplace violence and  safety strategies of nurses working in Level I trauma centres. Journal of  Emergency Nursing, 31, 519-525. Coolican, H. (1994) Research Methods and Statistics in Psychology, London, Hodder   Stoughton. Cormack, D. (2000) The Research Process in Nursing: Fourth Edition. London:  Blackwell Science. Eastabrooks, C.A. (1998) Will evidence-based nursing practice make practice perfect.  Canadian Journal of Nursing Research. 30, pp.15-36. Feninstein, A. R., Horwitz, R. I. (1997) Problems in the evidence of evidence-based medicine. American Journal of Medicine 103, 529-535. Khan, K., Kunz, R., Kleijnen, J. Antes, G. (2003) Systematic Reviews to Support  Evidence-based Medicine: How to Review and Apply Findings of Healthcare  Research. Oxford: Royal Society of Medicine Press. Winstanley, S. Whittington, R. (2004) Aggression towards health care staff in a UK  general hospital: variation among professions and departments. Journal of  Clinical Nursing, 13, pp.3-10.

Macbeths tragic insanity Essay -- William Shakespeare

Insanity is defined as â€Å"[the] inability to understand the nature and consequences of one's acts or of events, matters, or proceedings in which one is involved.† In William Shakespeare’s Macbeth, the protagonist turned antagonist, Macbeth, was once â€Å"valour’s minion† (I.ii.16) a loyal and devoted nobleman of Scotland. However, he commits a heinous act of regicide in order to ascend the throne, only to become a tyrant who in the end was regarded as nothing but a â€Å"dead butcher† (V.ix.35). Macbeth was unarguably sane in the beginning of the play, however, at the end of the play its unclear whether or not Macbeth truly was a â€Å"deranged blood hound† (V.ii.32), or if he was still acting on his own accord. Critics may say that this â€Å"Bloody sceptered tyrant† (IV.iii.95), who murdered innocent people indiscriminately through the novel befell the holds of insanity, but in truth, Macbeth, whether for better or for worse, ne ver was truly driven insane. An attribute of insanity was previously defined as the inability to understand the consequences of one’s acts or events around one, which furthers the argument that Macbeth was sane. When Macbeth, due to his insecurity of his position as king starts eliminating his enemies, he does display a certain degree of incomprehension towards the consequences of his actions, saying â€Å"the very firstlings of my heart shall be/The firstlings of my hand† (IV.i.157-158). However, the very fact that he says he will not take into account what he thinks (such as the consequences of his actions), shows that he indeed does still have the ability to understand the consequences of his actions, hence he is not insane. Towards the end of the book is where Macbeth’s sanity is questioned most. One such question arises up... ... towards Macduff, this not only shows Macbeth’s guilt at having committed such a horrible crime towards Macduff, but also has an inkling of a conscience. From Macbeth’s comprehension of the events taking place around him to his repentance to his conscience, its unarguable that Macbeth at the end of the play was insane. From the beginning, Macbeth fabricates his own demise, eventually going on to control his fate right up till his ruinous end. Once a good, and loyal noble man of Scotland, Macbeth, was driven to by whatever motivation to commit acts of such malice, such cowardice and of such malevolence that it’s an insult to the memory of those whose lives were taken by him, to classify him as merely a ‘deranged hell hound’. Works Cited Shakespeare, William. Tragedy of Macbeth . Ed. Barbara Mowat and Paul Warstine. New York: Washington Press, 1992.

Wealth and Money

If you wanted to get rich, how would you do it? I think your best bet would be to start or join a startup. That's been a reliable way to get rich for hundreds of years. The word â€Å"startup† dates from the 1960s, but what happens in one is very similar to the venture-backed trading voyages of the Middle Ages. Startups usually involve technology, so much so that the phrase â€Å"high-tech startup† is almost redundant. A startup is a small company that takes on a hard technical problem. Lots of people get rich knowing nothing more than that.You don't have to know physics to be a good pitcher. But I think it could give you an edge to understand the underlying principles. Why do startups have to be small? Will a startup inevitably stop being a startup as it grows larger? And why do they so often work on developing new technology? Why are there so many startups selling new drugs or computer software, and none selling corn oil or laundry detergent? The Proposition Economica lly, you can think of a startup as a way to compress your whole working life into a few years.Instead of working at a low intensity for forty years, you work as hard as you possibly can for four. This pays especially well in technology, where you earn a premium for working fast. Here is a brief sketch of the economic proposition. If you're a good hacker in your mid twenties, you can get a job paying about $80,000 per year. So on average such a hacker must be able to do at least $80,000 worth of work per year for the company just to break even. You could probably work twice as many hours as a corporate employee, and if you focus you can probably get three times as much done in an hour. 1] You should get another multiple of two, at least, by eliminating the drag of the pointy-haired middle manager who would be your boss in a big company. Then there is one more multiple: how much smarter are you than your job description expects you to be? Suppose another multiple of three. Combine all these multipliers, and I'm claiming you could be 36 times more productive than you're expected to be in a random corporate job. [2] If a fairly good hacker is worth $80,000 a year at a big company, then a smart hacker working very hard without any corporate bullshit to slow him down should be able to do work worth about $3 million a year.Like all back-of-the-envelope calculations, this one has a lot of wiggle room. I wouldn't try to defend the actual numbers. But I stand by the structure of the calculation. I'm not claiming the multiplier is precisely 36, but it is certainly more than 10, and probably rarely as high as 100. If $3 million a year seems high, remember that we're talking about the limit case: the case where you not only have zero leisure time but indeed work so hard that you endanger your health. Startups are not magic. They don't change the laws of wealth creation. They just represent a point at the far end of the curve.There is a conservation law at work here: if you want to make a million dollars, you have to endure a million dollars' worth of pain. For example, one way to make a million dollars would be to work for the Post Office your whole life, and save every penny of your salary. Imagine the stress of working for the Post Office for fifty years. In a startup you compress all this stress into three or four years. You do tend to get a certain bulk discount if you buy the economy-size pain, but you can't evade the fundamental conservation law. If starting a startup were easy, everyone would do it.Millions, not Billions If $3 million a year seems high to some people, it will seem low to others. Three million? How do I get to be a billionaire, like Bill Gates? So let's get Bill Gates out of the way right now. It's not a good idea to use famous rich people as examples, because the press only write about the very richest, and these tend to be outliers. Bill Gates is a smart, determined, and hardworking man, but you need more than that to make as much money as he has. You also need to be very lucky. There is a large random factor in the success of any company.So the guys you end up reading about in the papers are the ones who are very smart, totally dedicated, and win the lottery. Certainly Bill is smart and dedicated, but Microsoft also happens to have been the beneficiary of one of the most spectacular blunders in the history of business: the licensing deal for DOS. No doubt Bill did everything he could to steer IBM into making that blunder, and he has done an excellent job of exploiting it, but if there had been one person with a brain on IBM's side, Microsoft's future would have been very different.Microsoft at that stage had little leverage over IBM. They were effectively a component supplier. If IBM had required an exclusive license, as they should have, Microsoft would still have signed the deal. It would still have meant a lot of money for them, and IBM could easily have gotten an operating system elsewhere. Instead IBM ended up using all its power in the market to give Microsoft control of the PC standard. From that point, all Microsoft had to do was execute. They never had to bet the company on a bold decision.All they had to do was play hardball with licensees and copy more innovative products reasonably promptly. If IBM hadn't made this mistake, Microsoft would still have been a successful company, but it could not have grown so big so fast. Bill Gates would be rich, but he'd be somewhere near the bottom of the Forbes 400 with the other guys his age. There are a lot of ways to get rich, and this essay is about only one of them. This essay is about how to make money by creating wealth and getting paid for it.There are plenty of other ways to get money, including chance, speculation, marriage, inheritance, theft, extortion, fraud, monopoly, graft, lobbying, counterfeiting, and prospecting. Most of the greatest fortunes have probably involved several of these. The advantage of creating wealth , as a way to get rich, is not just that it's more legitimate (many of the other methods are now illegal) but that it's more straightforward. You just have to do something people want. Money Is Not Wealth If you want to create wealth, it will help to understand what it is.Wealth is not the same thing as money. [3] Wealth is as old as human history. Far older, in fact; ants have wealth. Money is a comparatively recent invention. Wealth is the fundamental thing. Wealth is stuff we want: food, clothes, houses, cars, gadgets, travel to interesting places, and so on. You can have wealth without having money. If you had a magic machine that could on command make you a car or cook you dinner or do your laundry, or do anything else you wanted, you wouldn't need money.Whereas if you were in the middle of Antarctica, where there is nothing to buy, it wouldn't matter how much money you had. Wealth is what you want, not money. But if wealth is the important thing, why does everyone talk about m aking money? It is a kind of shorthand: money is a way of moving wealth, and in practice they are usually interchangeable. But they are not the same thing, and unless you plan to get rich by counterfeiting, talking about making money can make it harder to understand how to make money. Money is a side effect of specialization.In a specialized society, most of the things you need, you can't make for yourself. If you want a potato or a pencil or a place to live, you have to get it from someone else. How do you get the person who grows the potatoes to give you some? By giving him something he wants in return. But you can't get very far by trading things directly with the people who need them. If you make violins, and none of the local farmers wants one, how will you eat? The solution societies find, as they get more specialized, is to make the trade into a two-step process.Instead of trading violins directly for potatoes, you trade violins for, say, silver, which you can then trade agai n for anything else you need. The intermediate stuff– the medium of exchange– can be anything that's rare and portable. Historically metals have been the most common, but recently we've been using a medium of exchange, called the dollar, that doesn't physically exist. It works as a medium of exchange, however, because its rarity is guaranteed by the U. S. Government. The advantage of a medium of exchange is that it makes trade work.The disadvantage is that it tends to obscure what trade really means. People think that what a business does is make money. But money is just the intermediate stage– just a shorthand– for whatever people want. What most businesses really do is make wealth. They do something people want. [4] The Pie Fallacy A surprising number of people retain from childhood the idea that there is a fixed amount of wealth in the world. There is, in any normal family, a fixed amount of money at any moment. But that's not the same thing.When wealt h is talked about in this context, it is often described as a pie. â€Å"You can't make the pie larger,† say politicians. When you're talking about the amount of money in one family's bank account, or the amount available to a government from one year's tax revenue, this is true. If one person gets more, someone else has to get less. I can remember believing, as a child, that if a few rich people had all the money, it left less for everyone else. Many people seem to continue to believe something like this well into adulthood.This fallacy is usually there in the background when you hear someone talking about how x percent of the population have y percent of the wealth. If you plan to start a startup, then whether you realize it or not, you're planning to disprove the Pie Fallacy. What leads people astray here is the abstraction of money. Money is not wealth. It's just something we use to move wealth around. So although there may be, in certain specific moments (like your famil y, this month) a fixed amount of money available to trade with other people for things you want, there is not a fixed amount of wealth in the world.You can make more wealth. Wealth has been getting created and destroyed (but on balance, created) for all of human history. Suppose you own a beat-up old car. Instead of sitting on your butt next summer, you could spend the time restoring your car to pristine condition. In doing so you create wealth. The world is– and you specifically are– one pristine old car the richer. And not just in some metaphorical way. If you sell your car, you'll get more for it. In restoring your old car you have made yourself richer. You haven't made anyone else poorer.So there is obviously not a fixed pie. And in fact, when you look at it this way, you wonder why anyone would think there was. [5] Kids know, without knowing they know, that they can create wealth. If you need to give someone a present and don't have any money, you make one. But ki ds are so bad at making things that they consider home-made presents to be a distinct, inferior, sort of thing to store-bought ones– a mere expression of the proverbial thought that counts. And indeed, the lumpy ashtrays we made for our parents did not have much of a resale market.

Response Paper Intercultural communication - 986 Words

Response Paper 1 Living in the United States, we are exposed to so many cultures. I have thought that I learn a lot about culture in this country. However, when discussing the concept of culture in class, I realize how little I actually know about it. Importantly, I have a similar response to some other students about culture, which is â€Å"I don’t have a culture†. Until I have read the first chapter of the book Intercultural Communication: Globalization and Social Justice by Kathryn Sorrell, I began to think more deeply about this concept, about my cultural identity and positionality. My view about culture became broaden when I learned about the definition of culture which is a site of shared meaning, of contested meaning, and a resource.†¦show more content†¦Most of my social interactions with peers and professors take place here as well. Therefore, I have picked up my cultural differences within this cultural context. Within the school context, I view the process of my cult ural identity formation is the process of creating a sense of belonging and constructing myself in alignment with the mainstream group. As a Vietnamese immigrant living in the United States for 5 years, I have encountered many different social, cultural, and linguistic boundaries throughout my life in this adopted country. Identifying my position as an adult, female, first-generation college student in the family and someone whose primary language is Vietnamese, I am aware of many significant cultural and language challenges when I first arrived in the United States. Thus, the barriers include social relationship, communication style, and the education process are the typical challenges that I have encountered during this time. Among the language barriers, speaking is the most challenging skill for me when entering a new culture. I figured out that Vietnamese cultural norms affect my willingness to speak in public. Different from the U.S cultural practice of individualism which focuses on self, Vietnamese culture focuses more on group. In Vietnam, students rarely speak in front of the public individually. Therefore, when being expected to speak in front ofShow MoreRelatedBus 600 Cart the Learning Interface/Bus600Cartdotcom1067 Words   |  5 PagesBUS 600 Week 1 DQ 1 Importance of Communication BUS 600 Week 1 DQ 2 Ashford Learning Resources BUS 600 Week 2 Assignment Topic Thesis Statement for Research Paper BUS 600 Week 2 Assignment International and Intercultural Communication (2 Papers) BUS 600 Week 2 DQ 1 Reducing Communication Barriers BUS 600 Week 2 DQ 2 Intercultural Communication Competence BUS 600 Week 3 Assignment Communications Skill Assessment BUS 600 Week 3 DQ 1 Technology and Communication BUS 600 Week 3 DQ 2 Visual Presentations Read MoreCritical Evaluation Of Journal Article1647 Words   |  7 PagesCritical Evaluation of Journal Article: Peltokorpi, V. 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Being in a rough time in the world right now social issues come close to me so I must watch it. In the movie there are a lot of scenes that connect to social issues that plague this world currently and many things I learned in class. I will attempt to bring each scene to a connection to social issue or thingsRead MoreBilingual Language Education Policy And The English As A Foreign Language1174 Words   |  5 PagesThis paper presents a gap between current foreign language education policy and the English as a foreign language (EFL) teaching practices in addressing intercultural communication objectives in Vietnam. Although the current Vietnamese foreign language education policy advocates the intercultural communication aims, intercultural language teaching and learning has not yet been applied in foreign language classrooms. The findings from interviews, class observations and document analysis show thatRead MoreEssay On Fake News1322 Words   |  6 Pagesfrom these digital networking sites. The 2016 American election was disturbed by incorrect information that was shared amongst citizens over the web. This spread of inaccurate information is known as â€Å"fake† news. In the context of this reflection paper, I define â€Å"fake† news as: â€Å"a fictitious report relating to current events which is fabricated, and often titled misleadingly with the deliberate purpose of deceiving users and motivating them to disseminate the report† (Burshtein, 2017, p. 398). IRead MoreEssay about American Exceptionalism and Cross-Cultural Communications1638 Words   |  7 Pagesstudy of American exceptionalism and cross-cultural communications has the ability to improve U.S. military effectiveness in USPACOM. Understanding these two cultural principles will improve effectiveness in three ways. First, it allows USPACOM personnel to understand their biases. Second, it gives USPACOM personnel a perspective on how nations in their area of responsibility may potentially view their actions. Finally, cross-cultural communications provides tools for USPACOM personnel to overcomeRead MoreDevelopmental Model Of Intercultural Sensitivity1225 Words   |  5 Pages Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity The Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity is a creation of Milton J. Bennett and is used as a basis to describe the responses of individuals to cultural diversity. In both corporate and academic settings, he noticed that people normally challenged cultural diversity in some anticipated methods as they gained knowledge of becoming more experienced intercultural communicators. Using ideas from constructivism and cognitive psychology, he structured